Thais to go through motion of a democratic election
Victoria Butler
17 April 1979
The Globe and Mail
Special to The Globe and Mail
BANGKOK - For the first time in three years the people of Thailand will be allowed to vote for some of their leaders in a general election scheduled for April 22.
Politicians, representing 15 different political parties, have been star attractions at mass rallies and afternoon luncheons. They stroll through their constituencies shaking hands and conduct evening seminars to explain democracy.
A lot of time, money and energy is being spent by more than 1,000 candidates competing for 301 seats in the lower house. But, as Kukrit Pramoj, a former premier and current candidate, humorously said, There is a spirit of fight in the air but against whom and for what no one seems to know.
In marked contrast to 1975, this election lacks excitement and zest. Moreover, it lacks a sense of purpose. In 1973 the military dictatorship of Thanom Kittikachorn was overthrown. Thais were prepared and determined to replace it with a government promising democratic reform. Instead, as many see it, they got an uneasy coalition government and a parliament riddled with internecine squabbling. In October, 1976, the mirage of democracy was shattered in a bloody coup.
After the 1976 coup, politicians were hobbled and hounded by the government of Tanin Kraivixien. Tanin didn't last either and in 1977 Gen. Kriangsak Chamanand, in yet another coup, imposed a more benign martial law on the country. History has had a sobering effect on both the candidates and the voters.
Several other factors have combined to rob the campaign of its piquancy. Most important, the question of power was decided long before the contestants entered the political fray. The constitution allows Gen. Kriangsak to appoint parliament's upper house, which will have powers virtually equal to those of the elected lower house on major issues.
Members from the upper and lower houses will jointly choose the next premier, who does not have to be an elected representative. It is thus virtually assured that Gen. Kriangsak, who is not a candidate, will return as premier. Summing up the paradox, a political scientist said, This whole exercise is a way to legitimize a military premier who has not submitted himself to an election. He added, The entire constitution was written for Kriangsak.
The candidates themselves have also unwittingly contributed to the generally flat tone of the election. Old soldiers from earlier electoral battles have emerged once again from Thailand's political demi-monde to lead their political parties.
The Thai press unkindly refers to them as dinosaurs. Although there are fewer parties this time around - 15 versus a previous 40 - there are practically no new faces. Remarked one analyst, The continuity in party leadership is remarkable.
For the most part the parties vied for candidates who were former MPs and who were certain of re-election. Ideology, as Kukrit openly admits, is of little importance.
To many Thais the continuity of leadership is not only remarkable, it is alarming. What, asked one businessman, will be the difference this time around. Many of them just want power and money for themselves and won't do anything for the country. Pessimistically he added, It will just be a bad rerun.
Victoria Butler
17 April 1979
The Globe and Mail
Special to The Globe and Mail
BANGKOK - For the first time in three years the people of Thailand will be allowed to vote for some of their leaders in a general election scheduled for April 22.
Politicians, representing 15 different political parties, have been star attractions at mass rallies and afternoon luncheons. They stroll through their constituencies shaking hands and conduct evening seminars to explain democracy.
A lot of time, money and energy is being spent by more than 1,000 candidates competing for 301 seats in the lower house. But, as Kukrit Pramoj, a former premier and current candidate, humorously said, There is a spirit of fight in the air but against whom and for what no one seems to know.
In marked contrast to 1975, this election lacks excitement and zest. Moreover, it lacks a sense of purpose. In 1973 the military dictatorship of Thanom Kittikachorn was overthrown. Thais were prepared and determined to replace it with a government promising democratic reform. Instead, as many see it, they got an uneasy coalition government and a parliament riddled with internecine squabbling. In October, 1976, the mirage of democracy was shattered in a bloody coup.
After the 1976 coup, politicians were hobbled and hounded by the government of Tanin Kraivixien. Tanin didn't last either and in 1977 Gen. Kriangsak Chamanand, in yet another coup, imposed a more benign martial law on the country. History has had a sobering effect on both the candidates and the voters.
Several other factors have combined to rob the campaign of its piquancy. Most important, the question of power was decided long before the contestants entered the political fray. The constitution allows Gen. Kriangsak to appoint parliament's upper house, which will have powers virtually equal to those of the elected lower house on major issues.
Members from the upper and lower houses will jointly choose the next premier, who does not have to be an elected representative. It is thus virtually assured that Gen. Kriangsak, who is not a candidate, will return as premier. Summing up the paradox, a political scientist said, This whole exercise is a way to legitimize a military premier who has not submitted himself to an election. He added, The entire constitution was written for Kriangsak.
The candidates themselves have also unwittingly contributed to the generally flat tone of the election. Old soldiers from earlier electoral battles have emerged once again from Thailand's political demi-monde to lead their political parties.
The Thai press unkindly refers to them as dinosaurs. Although there are fewer parties this time around - 15 versus a previous 40 - there are practically no new faces. Remarked one analyst, The continuity in party leadership is remarkable.
For the most part the parties vied for candidates who were former MPs and who were certain of re-election. Ideology, as Kukrit openly admits, is of little importance.
To many Thais the continuity of leadership is not only remarkable, it is alarming. What, asked one businessman, will be the difference this time around. Many of them just want power and money for themselves and won't do anything for the country. Pessimistically he added, It will just be a bad rerun.
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