Phongthep Thepkanjana

Government & Politics
Thailand: 111 TRT executives to file complaints with NHRC
21 November 2007
Thai News Service

111 former executives of the disbanded Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party, led by Chaturon Chaisang, announced that they would file complaints against the Election Commission (EC) with the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the Amnesty International.

Eight of the executives, including Mr Chaturon, Phongthep Thepkanjana, Adisorn Piangket, Sutham Saengprathum, and Pongpol Adireksarn, have attended a meeting to discuss EC's ban prohibiting the 111 executives from being involved in election campaigns.

During the meeting, Mr Chaturon said that he wanted EC to clarify the ban which was considered as an attempt to abolish the People Power Party while assisting its opponent, the Democrat Party.

PERSPECTIVE
IN Print; Thai Rak Thai divided
10 September 2006
Bangkok Post

Many of the party faithful are coming to the conclusion that Thaksin will find it hard or impossible to govern effectively ever again
KAMOL HENGKIETISAK

The announcement that caretaker Deputy Prime Minister and Commerce Minister Somkid Jatusripitak would not contest the general election as a Thai Rak Thai party list candidate may not be believed by some TRT members, but those closest to Somkid aren't expressing any surprise, noted a Post Today writer.

Somkid's confidantes have known for some time, since the Constitution Court ruled that the April 2 general election was invalid, that he was reluctant to continue on in the next government in the likely event of another TRT win.

The intention was made clear late last month when Public Health Minister Pinit Jarusombat revealed that he and Somkid would not accept any political post in the next TRT government.
The Post Today writer said that Pinit's political hiatus is not important because he is only a bit player, but Somkid is considered by practically every faction in TRT as credible PM material if Thaksin Shinawatra decides to call it quits. Somkid is widely regarded in the party for his ability to compromise, and his economic expertise is widely respected within the country and abroad.
If Somkid were to be appointed prime minister, it might very well lessen the tension in the country and create an atmosphere in which it would be possible to bring back stability.
Somkid has reportedly told Thaksin himself that he would not run as a party list candidate and thus would be ineligible for the top post, presumably in an attempt to demonstrate his loyalty to Thaksin and show he has no interest in replacing him.

Thaksin has not yet declared officially whether or not he will take a break from politics.
He recently said at a meeting of TRT executives that he would declare his intention when the time was right and vowed to lead the ruling party to victory in the next general election.
But some TRT executives have expressed a worry that if Somkid's opportunity to become the next PM is shut, the party may face a serious crisis. Key TRT member Pongpol Adireksarn said the party leader does not listen to anybody and thus does not receive any negative feedback within the party.

Most TRT MPs believe that the party is more important than its leading man and that it should be allowed to develop and become an established political institution. It will be hard for the TRT, under Thaksin, to resolve the present political crisis, said Post Today.

Even if the party wins the upcoming general election, Thaksin will find it hard or impossible to govern effectively again, as those who are hell-bent to topple him will not rest until the various conflicts of interests and transparency issues are resolved.

The political crisis not only divides society into those for and against Thaksin, it also splits the TRT into those who want to see Thaksin take a political hiatus and those who want to see him fight at any cost to continue to lead the party and the country.

The "dove faction" in the TRT, those who think Thaksin should consider stepping down, includes Suranand Vejjajiva, Chaturon Chaisaeng, Surakiart Sathirathai, Pinit Jarusombat, Preecha Laohapongchana and Somsak Thepsuthin who are in the cabinet and other prominent executives including Suchart Tancharoen, Sonthaya Khunpluem and Pongpol Adireksarn. The hawks include Newin Chidchob, Prommin Lertsuridej, Yongyuth Tiyapairat, Sudarat Keyuraphan and Phongthep Thepkanjana.

When the doves were on the ascendancy and supporting Somkid as a possible PM, the hawks were successful in driving a wedge between Thaksin and Somkid, said Post Today.
Deputy Interior Minister Somchai Sunthornwat, who is more allied with the hawks, but who also knows that Somkid is not an ingrate and has no political ambitions, was unable to convince Thaksin that Somkid is not trying to challenge him, said Post Today. Thaksin apparently cannot see that there are those in the TRT who have different opinions from his own but who are nevertheless well-intentioned.

This is why Somkid had to tell Thaksin directly that he would not run as a party list candidate.
But the dove faction will not let Somkid go so easily. The political crisis allows various faction leaders to challenge Thaksin for the first time in the party's five-year history. The doves will continue to pressure Thaksin because they believe the survival of Thai Rak Thai as a political institution is at stake, concluded Post Today.

A most serious crisis

A Matichon writer said that no matter how Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai may present the issue, the chaos of the later stages of the Thaksin administration was no ordinary political crisis. If it had not been for His Majesty the King's intervention, when he advised the presidents of the Supreme and Supreme Administrative courts on 25 April 2006 to employ legal means to solve the deadlock caused by the unresolved April 2 general election, there may have been bloodshed on the streets of Bangkok, as was the case on October 6, 1976.

The writer reasoned that such a scenario might have come to pass because both the powers-that-be and their opponents were unprepared to yield an inch. Even when Privy Council president Gen Prem Tinsulanonda came out to call for truce, none listened and the powers-that-be even deemed his warning as interference. His Majesty the King was the last hope for the country.

This most serious political crisis was partially solved when the Constitution Court gave a judgement to invalidate the April 2 general election and the Criminal Court convicted the three remaining election commissioners and compelled them to resign, enabling the Supreme Court judges to nominate 10 new Election Commission candidates, to be whittled down to 5 by the Senate. What are the remaining consequences of the crisis? asked Matichon. Thaksin is continually ridiculed and pressured to take a political hiatus and some have even demanded that he retire permanently.

Last week, a group of health care professionals demanded that Thaksin immediately cease political activities to allow an independent and neutral body to investigate several charges levelled against him and his family over the sale of Shin Corp. The Matichon writer noted that intellectuals in this country are still not convinced of Thaksin's innocence, as the corruption and power abuse allegations have yet to be investigated and made clear to the public.

Meanwhile, Thaksin's backers continually come out to take swipes against respected figures such as Gen Prem Tinsulanonda, Dr Prawase Wasi and Anand Panyarachun for daring to give public speeches calling for honest leadership. Matichon claimed that Thaksin's supporters have never done anything beneficial for the country, but they still dared to challenge those who have done so much for Thailand over the years. However, these respected figures were mature enough not to get into a game of name-calling. Thaksin's backers never bother to ask why His Majesty the King is so concerned about the crisis, said Matichon. They don't understand that by never listening to constructive criticism it is Thaksin himself who instigated the crisis.

They never question why Thaksin decided to dissolve the House of Representatives on February 24, 2006 even though he had previously insisted several times he would never dissolve the House. Thaksin decided to dissolve the House while it was in recess, before it had begun the inquiry into the sale of Shin Corp. And they never question why Thaksin was reluctant to sign a pact with the opposition parties to institute a second round of political reform designed to prevent power abuse and interference in the independent organisations.

This is the main reason why the three opposition parties decided to boycott the April 2 general election - because they were not assured of Thaksin's sincerity to go ahead with political reform.
There were many instances in the past when Thaksin could have yielded and compromised to avert the political crisis. Now it is too late. Broken glass cannot be mended and the same is true of the present Thai political landscape, said Matichon.