PM appoints Phongthep chief govt whip; Thaksin also names his own advisers
20 March 2005
Bangkok Post
By Tul Pinkaew
Deputy Thai Rak Thai party leader Phongthep Thepkanjana will be appointed chief government whip and the party's chief adviser, Sanoh Thiengthong, top adviser to the government whips, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra said in his weekly radio address yesterday.
Chairwoman of Thai Rak Thai MPs Yaowapa Wongsawat, on hearing the news, expressed support for Mr Phongthep, reasoning that with his legal expertise and acceptance by MPs in general, the former justice minister would be able to handle the job well.
Abhisit Vejjajiva, Democrat party leader, said the opposition is ready to work with whoever is appointed government chief whip. However, he wants the government and opposition whips to coordinate more closely and flexibly than in the past four years of the Thaksin I government.
In yesterday's radio address, Mr Thaksin also said that he had appointed Mrs Yaowapa, former agriculture minister Wan Muhamad Nor Matha, former tourism and sports minister Sonthaya Khunpluem, former defence minister Sampun Boonyanun and list MP Sophon Phetsawang as advisers to the prime minister.
Mr Phongthep on Friday showed his reluctance in taking up the post, saying a more experienced person should be appointed.
"I have been saying since before the general election and I still believe in the same philosophy that a person who can lead the coalition MPs' coordination panel, the top government whip post, should not be sidelined in the new government," said Mr Phongthep.
Mr Phongthep, a former judge, was a member of the 1997 constitution drafting committee and one of a few post-Palang Dharma party MPs who helped establish the Thai Rak Thai.
Mr Phongthep, however, told Deputy Interior Minister Somchai Sunthornwat, who chaired the Thai Rak Thai MPs' meeting on Thursday, that he wanted Mr Sanoh to keep his job as he was more senior and very influential.
Mr Sanoh, head of the Wang Nam Yen faction who has been given no active political role in the new government, was chief government whip in the previous Thaksin administration.
Mr Sanoh's removal as chief whip was seen by some critics as an attempt to weaken the already crippled Wang Nam Yen. Many of the faction members have already defected to Mr Thaksin's sister, Mrs Yaowapa, and her Wang Bua Ban faction.
Showing posts with label Phongthep Thepkanjana. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Phongthep Thepkanjana. Show all posts
April 06, 2010
Phongthep Thepkanjana
Government & Politics
Thailand: 111 TRT executives to file complaints with NHRC
21 November 2007
Thai News Service
111 former executives of the disbanded Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party, led by Chaturon Chaisang, announced that they would file complaints against the Election Commission (EC) with the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the Amnesty International.
Eight of the executives, including Mr Chaturon, Phongthep Thepkanjana, Adisorn Piangket, Sutham Saengprathum, and Pongpol Adireksarn, have attended a meeting to discuss EC's ban prohibiting the 111 executives from being involved in election campaigns.
During the meeting, Mr Chaturon said that he wanted EC to clarify the ban which was considered as an attempt to abolish the People Power Party while assisting its opponent, the Democrat Party.
PERSPECTIVE
IN Print; Thai Rak Thai divided
10 September 2006
Bangkok Post
Many of the party faithful are coming to the conclusion that Thaksin will find it hard or impossible to govern effectively ever again
KAMOL HENGKIETISAK
The announcement that caretaker Deputy Prime Minister and Commerce Minister Somkid Jatusripitak would not contest the general election as a Thai Rak Thai party list candidate may not be believed by some TRT members, but those closest to Somkid aren't expressing any surprise, noted a Post Today writer.
Somkid's confidantes have known for some time, since the Constitution Court ruled that the April 2 general election was invalid, that he was reluctant to continue on in the next government in the likely event of another TRT win.
The intention was made clear late last month when Public Health Minister Pinit Jarusombat revealed that he and Somkid would not accept any political post in the next TRT government.
The Post Today writer said that Pinit's political hiatus is not important because he is only a bit player, but Somkid is considered by practically every faction in TRT as credible PM material if Thaksin Shinawatra decides to call it quits. Somkid is widely regarded in the party for his ability to compromise, and his economic expertise is widely respected within the country and abroad.
If Somkid were to be appointed prime minister, it might very well lessen the tension in the country and create an atmosphere in which it would be possible to bring back stability.
Somkid has reportedly told Thaksin himself that he would not run as a party list candidate and thus would be ineligible for the top post, presumably in an attempt to demonstrate his loyalty to Thaksin and show he has no interest in replacing him.
Thaksin has not yet declared officially whether or not he will take a break from politics.
He recently said at a meeting of TRT executives that he would declare his intention when the time was right and vowed to lead the ruling party to victory in the next general election.
But some TRT executives have expressed a worry that if Somkid's opportunity to become the next PM is shut, the party may face a serious crisis. Key TRT member Pongpol Adireksarn said the party leader does not listen to anybody and thus does not receive any negative feedback within the party.
Most TRT MPs believe that the party is more important than its leading man and that it should be allowed to develop and become an established political institution. It will be hard for the TRT, under Thaksin, to resolve the present political crisis, said Post Today.
Even if the party wins the upcoming general election, Thaksin will find it hard or impossible to govern effectively again, as those who are hell-bent to topple him will not rest until the various conflicts of interests and transparency issues are resolved.
The political crisis not only divides society into those for and against Thaksin, it also splits the TRT into those who want to see Thaksin take a political hiatus and those who want to see him fight at any cost to continue to lead the party and the country.
The "dove faction" in the TRT, those who think Thaksin should consider stepping down, includes Suranand Vejjajiva, Chaturon Chaisaeng, Surakiart Sathirathai, Pinit Jarusombat, Preecha Laohapongchana and Somsak Thepsuthin who are in the cabinet and other prominent executives including Suchart Tancharoen, Sonthaya Khunpluem and Pongpol Adireksarn. The hawks include Newin Chidchob, Prommin Lertsuridej, Yongyuth Tiyapairat, Sudarat Keyuraphan and Phongthep Thepkanjana.
When the doves were on the ascendancy and supporting Somkid as a possible PM, the hawks were successful in driving a wedge between Thaksin and Somkid, said Post Today.
Deputy Interior Minister Somchai Sunthornwat, who is more allied with the hawks, but who also knows that Somkid is not an ingrate and has no political ambitions, was unable to convince Thaksin that Somkid is not trying to challenge him, said Post Today. Thaksin apparently cannot see that there are those in the TRT who have different opinions from his own but who are nevertheless well-intentioned.
This is why Somkid had to tell Thaksin directly that he would not run as a party list candidate.
But the dove faction will not let Somkid go so easily. The political crisis allows various faction leaders to challenge Thaksin for the first time in the party's five-year history. The doves will continue to pressure Thaksin because they believe the survival of Thai Rak Thai as a political institution is at stake, concluded Post Today.
A most serious crisis
A Matichon writer said that no matter how Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai may present the issue, the chaos of the later stages of the Thaksin administration was no ordinary political crisis. If it had not been for His Majesty the King's intervention, when he advised the presidents of the Supreme and Supreme Administrative courts on 25 April 2006 to employ legal means to solve the deadlock caused by the unresolved April 2 general election, there may have been bloodshed on the streets of Bangkok, as was the case on October 6, 1976.
The writer reasoned that such a scenario might have come to pass because both the powers-that-be and their opponents were unprepared to yield an inch. Even when Privy Council president Gen Prem Tinsulanonda came out to call for truce, none listened and the powers-that-be even deemed his warning as interference. His Majesty the King was the last hope for the country.
This most serious political crisis was partially solved when the Constitution Court gave a judgement to invalidate the April 2 general election and the Criminal Court convicted the three remaining election commissioners and compelled them to resign, enabling the Supreme Court judges to nominate 10 new Election Commission candidates, to be whittled down to 5 by the Senate. What are the remaining consequences of the crisis? asked Matichon. Thaksin is continually ridiculed and pressured to take a political hiatus and some have even demanded that he retire permanently.
Last week, a group of health care professionals demanded that Thaksin immediately cease political activities to allow an independent and neutral body to investigate several charges levelled against him and his family over the sale of Shin Corp. The Matichon writer noted that intellectuals in this country are still not convinced of Thaksin's innocence, as the corruption and power abuse allegations have yet to be investigated and made clear to the public.
Meanwhile, Thaksin's backers continually come out to take swipes against respected figures such as Gen Prem Tinsulanonda, Dr Prawase Wasi and Anand Panyarachun for daring to give public speeches calling for honest leadership. Matichon claimed that Thaksin's supporters have never done anything beneficial for the country, but they still dared to challenge those who have done so much for Thailand over the years. However, these respected figures were mature enough not to get into a game of name-calling. Thaksin's backers never bother to ask why His Majesty the King is so concerned about the crisis, said Matichon. They don't understand that by never listening to constructive criticism it is Thaksin himself who instigated the crisis.
They never question why Thaksin decided to dissolve the House of Representatives on February 24, 2006 even though he had previously insisted several times he would never dissolve the House. Thaksin decided to dissolve the House while it was in recess, before it had begun the inquiry into the sale of Shin Corp. And they never question why Thaksin was reluctant to sign a pact with the opposition parties to institute a second round of political reform designed to prevent power abuse and interference in the independent organisations.
This is the main reason why the three opposition parties decided to boycott the April 2 general election - because they were not assured of Thaksin's sincerity to go ahead with political reform.
There were many instances in the past when Thaksin could have yielded and compromised to avert the political crisis. Now it is too late. Broken glass cannot be mended and the same is true of the present Thai political landscape, said Matichon.
Thailand: 111 TRT executives to file complaints with NHRC
21 November 2007
Thai News Service
111 former executives of the disbanded Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party, led by Chaturon Chaisang, announced that they would file complaints against the Election Commission (EC) with the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the Amnesty International.
Eight of the executives, including Mr Chaturon, Phongthep Thepkanjana, Adisorn Piangket, Sutham Saengprathum, and Pongpol Adireksarn, have attended a meeting to discuss EC's ban prohibiting the 111 executives from being involved in election campaigns.
During the meeting, Mr Chaturon said that he wanted EC to clarify the ban which was considered as an attempt to abolish the People Power Party while assisting its opponent, the Democrat Party.
PERSPECTIVE
IN Print; Thai Rak Thai divided
10 September 2006
Bangkok Post
Many of the party faithful are coming to the conclusion that Thaksin will find it hard or impossible to govern effectively ever again
KAMOL HENGKIETISAK
The announcement that caretaker Deputy Prime Minister and Commerce Minister Somkid Jatusripitak would not contest the general election as a Thai Rak Thai party list candidate may not be believed by some TRT members, but those closest to Somkid aren't expressing any surprise, noted a Post Today writer.
Somkid's confidantes have known for some time, since the Constitution Court ruled that the April 2 general election was invalid, that he was reluctant to continue on in the next government in the likely event of another TRT win.
The intention was made clear late last month when Public Health Minister Pinit Jarusombat revealed that he and Somkid would not accept any political post in the next TRT government.
The Post Today writer said that Pinit's political hiatus is not important because he is only a bit player, but Somkid is considered by practically every faction in TRT as credible PM material if Thaksin Shinawatra decides to call it quits. Somkid is widely regarded in the party for his ability to compromise, and his economic expertise is widely respected within the country and abroad.
If Somkid were to be appointed prime minister, it might very well lessen the tension in the country and create an atmosphere in which it would be possible to bring back stability.
Somkid has reportedly told Thaksin himself that he would not run as a party list candidate and thus would be ineligible for the top post, presumably in an attempt to demonstrate his loyalty to Thaksin and show he has no interest in replacing him.
Thaksin has not yet declared officially whether or not he will take a break from politics.
He recently said at a meeting of TRT executives that he would declare his intention when the time was right and vowed to lead the ruling party to victory in the next general election.
But some TRT executives have expressed a worry that if Somkid's opportunity to become the next PM is shut, the party may face a serious crisis. Key TRT member Pongpol Adireksarn said the party leader does not listen to anybody and thus does not receive any negative feedback within the party.
Most TRT MPs believe that the party is more important than its leading man and that it should be allowed to develop and become an established political institution. It will be hard for the TRT, under Thaksin, to resolve the present political crisis, said Post Today.
Even if the party wins the upcoming general election, Thaksin will find it hard or impossible to govern effectively again, as those who are hell-bent to topple him will not rest until the various conflicts of interests and transparency issues are resolved.
The political crisis not only divides society into those for and against Thaksin, it also splits the TRT into those who want to see Thaksin take a political hiatus and those who want to see him fight at any cost to continue to lead the party and the country.
The "dove faction" in the TRT, those who think Thaksin should consider stepping down, includes Suranand Vejjajiva, Chaturon Chaisaeng, Surakiart Sathirathai, Pinit Jarusombat, Preecha Laohapongchana and Somsak Thepsuthin who are in the cabinet and other prominent executives including Suchart Tancharoen, Sonthaya Khunpluem and Pongpol Adireksarn. The hawks include Newin Chidchob, Prommin Lertsuridej, Yongyuth Tiyapairat, Sudarat Keyuraphan and Phongthep Thepkanjana.
When the doves were on the ascendancy and supporting Somkid as a possible PM, the hawks were successful in driving a wedge between Thaksin and Somkid, said Post Today.
Deputy Interior Minister Somchai Sunthornwat, who is more allied with the hawks, but who also knows that Somkid is not an ingrate and has no political ambitions, was unable to convince Thaksin that Somkid is not trying to challenge him, said Post Today. Thaksin apparently cannot see that there are those in the TRT who have different opinions from his own but who are nevertheless well-intentioned.
This is why Somkid had to tell Thaksin directly that he would not run as a party list candidate.
But the dove faction will not let Somkid go so easily. The political crisis allows various faction leaders to challenge Thaksin for the first time in the party's five-year history. The doves will continue to pressure Thaksin because they believe the survival of Thai Rak Thai as a political institution is at stake, concluded Post Today.
A most serious crisis
A Matichon writer said that no matter how Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai may present the issue, the chaos of the later stages of the Thaksin administration was no ordinary political crisis. If it had not been for His Majesty the King's intervention, when he advised the presidents of the Supreme and Supreme Administrative courts on 25 April 2006 to employ legal means to solve the deadlock caused by the unresolved April 2 general election, there may have been bloodshed on the streets of Bangkok, as was the case on October 6, 1976.
The writer reasoned that such a scenario might have come to pass because both the powers-that-be and their opponents were unprepared to yield an inch. Even when Privy Council president Gen Prem Tinsulanonda came out to call for truce, none listened and the powers-that-be even deemed his warning as interference. His Majesty the King was the last hope for the country.
This most serious political crisis was partially solved when the Constitution Court gave a judgement to invalidate the April 2 general election and the Criminal Court convicted the three remaining election commissioners and compelled them to resign, enabling the Supreme Court judges to nominate 10 new Election Commission candidates, to be whittled down to 5 by the Senate. What are the remaining consequences of the crisis? asked Matichon. Thaksin is continually ridiculed and pressured to take a political hiatus and some have even demanded that he retire permanently.
Last week, a group of health care professionals demanded that Thaksin immediately cease political activities to allow an independent and neutral body to investigate several charges levelled against him and his family over the sale of Shin Corp. The Matichon writer noted that intellectuals in this country are still not convinced of Thaksin's innocence, as the corruption and power abuse allegations have yet to be investigated and made clear to the public.
Meanwhile, Thaksin's backers continually come out to take swipes against respected figures such as Gen Prem Tinsulanonda, Dr Prawase Wasi and Anand Panyarachun for daring to give public speeches calling for honest leadership. Matichon claimed that Thaksin's supporters have never done anything beneficial for the country, but they still dared to challenge those who have done so much for Thailand over the years. However, these respected figures were mature enough not to get into a game of name-calling. Thaksin's backers never bother to ask why His Majesty the King is so concerned about the crisis, said Matichon. They don't understand that by never listening to constructive criticism it is Thaksin himself who instigated the crisis.
They never question why Thaksin decided to dissolve the House of Representatives on February 24, 2006 even though he had previously insisted several times he would never dissolve the House. Thaksin decided to dissolve the House while it was in recess, before it had begun the inquiry into the sale of Shin Corp. And they never question why Thaksin was reluctant to sign a pact with the opposition parties to institute a second round of political reform designed to prevent power abuse and interference in the independent organisations.
This is the main reason why the three opposition parties decided to boycott the April 2 general election - because they were not assured of Thaksin's sincerity to go ahead with political reform.
There were many instances in the past when Thaksin could have yielded and compromised to avert the political crisis. Now it is too late. Broken glass cannot be mended and the same is true of the present Thai political landscape, said Matichon.
Phongthep Thepkanjana
Phongthep Thepkanjana Energy Minister
APPOINTED
October 3, 2002
BIRTH DATE/PLACE
November 13 1956 / Samut Sakhon, Thailand
RELIGION
Buddhism
MARITAL STATUS
Married with Mrs. Panida Thepkanjana
EDUCATION BACKGROUND
1977 L.L.B. (HONS.), Thammasat University
1979 Master of Comparative Law (Foreign Practice), George Washington University
1982 Barriter at Law, The School of Thai Bar
1983 Master of Comparative Law (American Practice), George Washington University
WORKING EXPERIENCES
1984 - 1985 : Judge Trainee
1985-1987 : Judge, Sakon Nakhon Provincial Court
1987-1991 : Judge, attached to the Ministry
1991-1992 : Judge, Samut Prakan Provincial Court
1992-1994 : Deputy Secretary-General, Office of the Judicial Affairs
1994-1995 : Chief Judge attached to the Ministry
POLITICAL APPOINTMENT
1995-1996 Deputy Spokesman, Office of the Prime Minister
1996-1997 Member, the Constitution Drafting Assembly
2001 Member, the House of Representatives
2001-2002 Minister of Justice
2002 Minister to the Prime Minister's Office
ROYAL DECORATIONS
Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
Companion (Fourth Class) of the Most admirable Order the Direkgunabhorn
APPOINTED
October 3, 2002
BIRTH DATE/PLACE
November 13 1956 / Samut Sakhon, Thailand
RELIGION
Buddhism
MARITAL STATUS
Married with Mrs. Panida Thepkanjana
EDUCATION BACKGROUND
1977 L.L.B. (HONS.), Thammasat University
1979 Master of Comparative Law (Foreign Practice), George Washington University
1982 Barriter at Law, The School of Thai Bar
1983 Master of Comparative Law (American Practice), George Washington University
WORKING EXPERIENCES
1984 - 1985 : Judge Trainee
1985-1987 : Judge, Sakon Nakhon Provincial Court
1987-1991 : Judge, attached to the Ministry
1991-1992 : Judge, Samut Prakan Provincial Court
1992-1994 : Deputy Secretary-General, Office of the Judicial Affairs
1994-1995 : Chief Judge attached to the Ministry
POLITICAL APPOINTMENT
1995-1996 Deputy Spokesman, Office of the Prime Minister
1996-1997 Member, the Constitution Drafting Assembly
2001 Member, the House of Representatives
2001-2002 Minister of Justice
2002 Minister to the Prime Minister's Office
ROYAL DECORATIONS
Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
Companion (Fourth Class) of the Most admirable Order the Direkgunabhorn
Phongthep Thepkanjana
Is Thaksin's love affair with HK over? Former Thai PM has used the city as a base, but the row over a lunch date may show he has outstayed his welcome, writes Greg Torode
8 March 2009
South China Morning Post
Ousted Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has always felt comfortable in Hong Kong. In the tough months after Thailand's generals forced him from power in September 2006, the city was a particularly important bolt-hole. He spent long periods in England, where he owns apartments in London and bought and sold Premier League soccer club Manchester City, and had spells in Dubai, Tokyo and Beijing. But Hong Kong has offered him something else - close proximity to the nation he once envisaged leading for two decades or more.
Hunkering down in the splendour of Hong Kong's top hotels during his usually low-key trips, Thaksin would meet Thai political cronies by the dozen, plotting strategy and funding for the parties acting as his post-coup proxies and trying to keep friendly coalitions together.
Before the election of December 2007, there were several such meetings. After his allies in the now disbanded People Power Party proved he remained popular by winning that poll, there were fat celebrations in Hong Kong.
He used the city, too, for meetings with Washington-based lobbyists and publicity strategists as he plotted how to stay in the political limelight - which is all-important if he is to counter the growing sense that the Thai establishment now has Thaksin right where they want him: out of the country and, increasingly, out of sight.
There have been banking, shopping and time spent networking with business connections dating back to his pre-politics days as a billionaire telecoms tycoon and one of Thailand's richest men. Being ethnically Chinese, Thaksin has often told aides he feels at home in Hong Kong. When he divorced his wife, Pojaman - a move still widely seen as strategic, rather than heartfelt - the couple chose to do it at the Thai consulate in Hong Kong.
However, the events of the past week suggest that the city may not be Thaksin's bolt-hole for too much longer. He is on the run from a two-year prison sentence imposed in Thailand, and Britain and Japan will not give him fresh visas. Hong Kong is not at that point yet, but the situation has suddenly become more complicated as his opponents attempt to draw Beijing into the fray.
Thaksin may also have invited trouble by his recent actions. His plan to give a speech at the Foreign Correspondents Club in Central last Monday prompted a swift, and cunning, riposte from Thailand's new prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva - a long-time adversary. Days before Thaksin was due to give his speech about the economic crisis and the political uncertainty in Thailand, Mr Abhisit expressed his concerns and raised the prospect of talking to Beijing about his extradition. Thailand has an extradition treaty with China but not yet with Hong Kong - although, as we reveal today, one is in the pipeline.
"It is within the personal rights of the former prime minister to use any venue for making his speech," Mr Abhisit said, his habitual caution to the fore. "But the Thai government will clarify and rebut any derogatory statements."
Then he added: "We will look into any possible legal channels." Suddenly Thaksin's move looked like a step too far. He promptly postponed the speech at the FCC. He has given press conferences in Hong Kong in the past, but not since he was sentenced in absentia in October on abuse-of-power charges related to a land deal while he was in power in 2003.
In recent months he has taken to making live phone-in "appearances" at rallies of his supporters across Thailand - he is due to give one today to a crowd in Ayutthaya - but never reveals from where he is calling. Mr Abhisit's government may not have taken any formal steps towards extradition yet, but he has sent a clear political signal, Thai analysts say.
While it is true that Beijing has always got on well with Thaksin - when he left Thailand for the last time, it was to attend last summer's Olympic Games - those ties could carry a cost in its dealings with future Thai governments.
Hong Kong has for decades allowed a number of politicians and activists to use the city as a temporary stage, but this tolerance does not extend to visitors who risk embarrassing their host (no place in the world can be expected to stand for that). Respected Thai political scientist Thitinan Pongsudhirak said Thaksin, a cunning player himself, appeared increasingly desperate and may have overreached himself this time.
"By playing the China card, Abhisit is sending a very strong warning to Thaksin," said Dr Thitinan, director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University. "Beijing operates in far too nuanced a way to issue a public warning - and they don't have to {hellip} Thaksin will understand the risks that Abhisit has outlined.
"It does help feed the perception that Mr Thaksin is running out of options and running out of time."
When Thaksin announced last Sunday that he would not fly to Hong Kong to give the speech, he said: "I did not want my presence to affect bilateral relations." Phongthep Thepkanjana, a spokesman in Thailand for Thaksin, said his boss still felt comfortable visiting Hong Kong in future and they had received no warnings from Beijing or the city's government.
Thaksin has arranged to deliver his speech via a satellite hook-up at the FCC on Thursday. Giving his speech this way will be less provocative than doing so in person.
If Thaksin intended to cause the maximum pain to Mr Abhisit, he could have not selected a better day than last Monday. Last weekend saw Mr Abhisit host the nine fellow heads of government of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for the bloc's annual summit. Thaksin's move was already hogging the headlines as Mr Abhisit engaged in his first major international outing.
Given that Mr Abhisit has not been elected Thailand's leader (his Democrat Party forged a ruling coalition after Thai courts disbanded a Thaksin-friendly government in December), the summit was widely seen as a cornerstone of efforts to bolster Mr Abhisit's credibility.
While the FCC had issued a long-standing invitation for Thaksin to speak, club president Ernst Herb confirmed the date for the speech was worked out by "mutual arrangement".
Even if, as it now appears, Mr Abhisit has not emerged the winner from this episode, the timing of their skirmish was equally bad for Thaksin. Thailand's political salons are filled with talk that he is struggling to fund opposition operations in the way he once could. That Mr Abhisit was able to form a government in part because of the defection of a few of Thaksin's former allies shows the difficulties the former prime minister is facing.
He remains immensely wealthy, though not quite as rich as many believed. Just how much money he has is difficult to estimate, but he is reported to have taken a hit from the global financial crisis.
Thaksin's nemesis, Thai Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij, has said he believes the core of Thaksin's wealth is tied up in the US$2.3 billion frozen in Thai bank accounts since the coup.
Most of that money came from the controversial, tax-free sale in 2006 of his Shin Corporation phone, satellite and internet empire to Singapore state investment arm Temasek Holdings. Mr Korn, formerly a leading investment banker, was in opposition at the time as deputy head of the Democrat Party, and led the charge to investigate Thaksin's finances as criticism of his excesses mounted.
One asset still listed in the family ledger is the three-storey, 3,313 sq ft home at 19 King's Park Hill in Ho Man Tin. Bought three months ago in his youngest daughter's name for HK$45 million, it has been largely deserted since.
"We've only seen Mr Thaksin once, and not for more than a month," said staff in the gated development. "It is only gardeners and maids who visit. The place is completely shut up."
If Thaksin had been eyeing the leafy development as a long-term home, that plan may now be considerably more risky than before.
Steadily, Thailand's royal, military and old-money establishment - which so fears the man who was the country's most popular elected leader - is tightening the noose.
8 March 2009
South China Morning Post
Ousted Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has always felt comfortable in Hong Kong. In the tough months after Thailand's generals forced him from power in September 2006, the city was a particularly important bolt-hole. He spent long periods in England, where he owns apartments in London and bought and sold Premier League soccer club Manchester City, and had spells in Dubai, Tokyo and Beijing. But Hong Kong has offered him something else - close proximity to the nation he once envisaged leading for two decades or more.
Hunkering down in the splendour of Hong Kong's top hotels during his usually low-key trips, Thaksin would meet Thai political cronies by the dozen, plotting strategy and funding for the parties acting as his post-coup proxies and trying to keep friendly coalitions together.
Before the election of December 2007, there were several such meetings. After his allies in the now disbanded People Power Party proved he remained popular by winning that poll, there were fat celebrations in Hong Kong.
He used the city, too, for meetings with Washington-based lobbyists and publicity strategists as he plotted how to stay in the political limelight - which is all-important if he is to counter the growing sense that the Thai establishment now has Thaksin right where they want him: out of the country and, increasingly, out of sight.
There have been banking, shopping and time spent networking with business connections dating back to his pre-politics days as a billionaire telecoms tycoon and one of Thailand's richest men. Being ethnically Chinese, Thaksin has often told aides he feels at home in Hong Kong. When he divorced his wife, Pojaman - a move still widely seen as strategic, rather than heartfelt - the couple chose to do it at the Thai consulate in Hong Kong.
However, the events of the past week suggest that the city may not be Thaksin's bolt-hole for too much longer. He is on the run from a two-year prison sentence imposed in Thailand, and Britain and Japan will not give him fresh visas. Hong Kong is not at that point yet, but the situation has suddenly become more complicated as his opponents attempt to draw Beijing into the fray.
Thaksin may also have invited trouble by his recent actions. His plan to give a speech at the Foreign Correspondents Club in Central last Monday prompted a swift, and cunning, riposte from Thailand's new prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva - a long-time adversary. Days before Thaksin was due to give his speech about the economic crisis and the political uncertainty in Thailand, Mr Abhisit expressed his concerns and raised the prospect of talking to Beijing about his extradition. Thailand has an extradition treaty with China but not yet with Hong Kong - although, as we reveal today, one is in the pipeline.
"It is within the personal rights of the former prime minister to use any venue for making his speech," Mr Abhisit said, his habitual caution to the fore. "But the Thai government will clarify and rebut any derogatory statements."
Then he added: "We will look into any possible legal channels." Suddenly Thaksin's move looked like a step too far. He promptly postponed the speech at the FCC. He has given press conferences in Hong Kong in the past, but not since he was sentenced in absentia in October on abuse-of-power charges related to a land deal while he was in power in 2003.
In recent months he has taken to making live phone-in "appearances" at rallies of his supporters across Thailand - he is due to give one today to a crowd in Ayutthaya - but never reveals from where he is calling. Mr Abhisit's government may not have taken any formal steps towards extradition yet, but he has sent a clear political signal, Thai analysts say.
While it is true that Beijing has always got on well with Thaksin - when he left Thailand for the last time, it was to attend last summer's Olympic Games - those ties could carry a cost in its dealings with future Thai governments.
Hong Kong has for decades allowed a number of politicians and activists to use the city as a temporary stage, but this tolerance does not extend to visitors who risk embarrassing their host (no place in the world can be expected to stand for that). Respected Thai political scientist Thitinan Pongsudhirak said Thaksin, a cunning player himself, appeared increasingly desperate and may have overreached himself this time.
"By playing the China card, Abhisit is sending a very strong warning to Thaksin," said Dr Thitinan, director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University. "Beijing operates in far too nuanced a way to issue a public warning - and they don't have to {hellip} Thaksin will understand the risks that Abhisit has outlined.
"It does help feed the perception that Mr Thaksin is running out of options and running out of time."
When Thaksin announced last Sunday that he would not fly to Hong Kong to give the speech, he said: "I did not want my presence to affect bilateral relations." Phongthep Thepkanjana, a spokesman in Thailand for Thaksin, said his boss still felt comfortable visiting Hong Kong in future and they had received no warnings from Beijing or the city's government.
Thaksin has arranged to deliver his speech via a satellite hook-up at the FCC on Thursday. Giving his speech this way will be less provocative than doing so in person.
If Thaksin intended to cause the maximum pain to Mr Abhisit, he could have not selected a better day than last Monday. Last weekend saw Mr Abhisit host the nine fellow heads of government of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for the bloc's annual summit. Thaksin's move was already hogging the headlines as Mr Abhisit engaged in his first major international outing.
Given that Mr Abhisit has not been elected Thailand's leader (his Democrat Party forged a ruling coalition after Thai courts disbanded a Thaksin-friendly government in December), the summit was widely seen as a cornerstone of efforts to bolster Mr Abhisit's credibility.
While the FCC had issued a long-standing invitation for Thaksin to speak, club president Ernst Herb confirmed the date for the speech was worked out by "mutual arrangement".
Even if, as it now appears, Mr Abhisit has not emerged the winner from this episode, the timing of their skirmish was equally bad for Thaksin. Thailand's political salons are filled with talk that he is struggling to fund opposition operations in the way he once could. That Mr Abhisit was able to form a government in part because of the defection of a few of Thaksin's former allies shows the difficulties the former prime minister is facing.
He remains immensely wealthy, though not quite as rich as many believed. Just how much money he has is difficult to estimate, but he is reported to have taken a hit from the global financial crisis.
Thaksin's nemesis, Thai Finance Minister Korn Chatikavanij, has said he believes the core of Thaksin's wealth is tied up in the US$2.3 billion frozen in Thai bank accounts since the coup.
Most of that money came from the controversial, tax-free sale in 2006 of his Shin Corporation phone, satellite and internet empire to Singapore state investment arm Temasek Holdings. Mr Korn, formerly a leading investment banker, was in opposition at the time as deputy head of the Democrat Party, and led the charge to investigate Thaksin's finances as criticism of his excesses mounted.
One asset still listed in the family ledger is the three-storey, 3,313 sq ft home at 19 King's Park Hill in Ho Man Tin. Bought three months ago in his youngest daughter's name for HK$45 million, it has been largely deserted since.
"We've only seen Mr Thaksin once, and not for more than a month," said staff in the gated development. "It is only gardeners and maids who visit. The place is completely shut up."
If Thaksin had been eyeing the leafy development as a long-term home, that plan may now be considerably more risky than before.
Steadily, Thailand's royal, military and old-money establishment - which so fears the man who was the country's most popular elected leader - is tightening the noose.
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